Network Core Mechanisms of Exponence

Harbour, Daniel (2003)


Syncretism: Following Noyer (1998) it is argued that Distributed Morphology must allow postsyntactic feature insertion, more concretely feature deletion (impoverishment) accompanied by insertion of a contextually unmarked feature, to capture appearance of [-singular] agreement in the context of [+singular arguments]. Polarity: Departing from Noyer (1992), Harbour analyzes the Kiowa number inverse as a reaction to incompatible number feature specifications on the noun root (with an inherent number specification) and the number head which leads to inserion of an [inverse] feature on thne determiner. Evidence for this analysis is that verb agreement with inverse arguments is sensitive to the fact that a DP is inverse.

authorHarbour, Daniel
titleThe Kiowa case for feature insertion
journalNatural Language & Linguistic Theory


    author = {Harbour, Daniel},
    year = {2003},
    title = {The Kiowa case for feature insertion},
    journal = {Natural Language & Linguistic Theory},
    volume = {21},
    pages = {543-578},
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