Network Core Mechanisms of Exponence

Fuß, Eric (2004)


and pro-drop are limited to 2nd person contexts (along with 1pl in some dialects). It is argued that this restriction follows from a conspiracy of morphological and syntactic factors that guided the reanalysis of subject clitics as markers of verbal agreement in the history of Bavarian. More specifically, it is shown that this change could only take place in inversion contexts, leading to partial pro-drop and the presence of an agreement morpheme attached to C°. The person/number restrictions are then attributed to the workings of morphological blocking effects that confined the grammaticalization of new verbal agreement morphology to previously underspecified slots of the agreement paradigm. The diachronic analysis is based on a new approach to complementizer agreement that ascribes the presence of inflection in the C-domain to the post-syntactic insertion of a ‘dissociated’ AGR-morpheme (Embick 1997).

authorFuß, Eric
titleDiachronic clues to pro-drop and complementizer agreement in Bavarian
editorFuß, Eric and Trips, Carola
booktitleDiachronic Clues to Synchronic Grammar


    author = {Fuß, Eric},
    year = {2004},
    title = {Diachronic clues to pro-drop and complementizer agreement in Bavarian},
    booktitle = {Diachronic Clues to Synchronic Grammar},
    editor = {Fuß, Eric and Trips, Carola},
    address = {Amsterdam},
    publisher = {Benjamins},
    pages = {59-100},
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